Wednesday, December 22, 2010
Thursday, December 09, 2010
Tuesday, October 26, 2010
Saturday, October 02, 2010
Saturday, September 18, 2010
Monday, August 09, 2010
Monday, July 26, 2010
Wednesday, July 21, 2010
Monday, July 19, 2010
Friday, July 16, 2010
Apple: iPhone 4's Not Perfect -- Take a Free Case or Full Refund
Jul 16, 2010 10:40 am
Jared Newman, PC World
To alleviate iPhone 4 antenna problem , Apple will give free bumper cases to everyone who bought or will buy the phone through September 30.
For people who already bought a bumper case, Apple will refund the cost. Users who are still unsatisfied can return the phone, with or without a case, for a full refund within 30 days. Apple CEO Steve Jobs made the announcement at a hasily-called press conference this morning.
An application form will go live on Apple's website next week, where iPhone 4 owners will be able to choose a free bumper case from a variety of vendors.
Jobs stressed that the iPhone 4 reception issues are common among smartphones. On the iPhone 4, occur when the phone is held over its lower left-hand corner, blocking the external antenna. Nonetheless, Jobs said, he wants to keep customers happy, hence the free cases and full refund.
We'll have more details on Apple's iPhone 4 briefing shortly.
Jared Newman, PC World
To alleviate iPhone 4 antenna problem , Apple will give free bumper cases to everyone who bought or will buy the phone through September 30.
For people who already bought a bumper case, Apple will refund the cost. Users who are still unsatisfied can return the phone, with or without a case, for a full refund within 30 days. Apple CEO Steve Jobs made the announcement at a hasily-called press conference this morning.
An application form will go live on Apple's website next week, where iPhone 4 owners will be able to choose a free bumper case from a variety of vendors.
Jobs stressed that the iPhone 4 reception issues are common among smartphones. On the iPhone 4, occur when the phone is held over its lower left-hand corner, blocking the external antenna. Nonetheless, Jobs said, he wants to keep customers happy, hence the free cases and full refund.
We'll have more details on Apple's iPhone 4 briefing shortly.
Tuesday, July 13, 2010
Sunday, July 11, 2010
Saturday, July 03, 2010
Sunday, June 27, 2010
Thursday, June 24, 2010
Jobless aid measure dying in Senate
6-24-2010
By ANDREW TAYLOR (AP)
WASHINGTON — Republicans in the Senate appear likely to kill legislation to provide continued unemployment checks to millions of people and provide states with billions of dollars to avert layoffs.
It would be a bitter defeat for President Barack Obama and Capitol Hill Democrats, who have been trying to advance the measure for months as an insurance policy against a double-dip recession.
Despite another round of cuts to the measure aimed at pacifying GOP deficit concerns, the measure seems doomed to die by a filibuster in a vote expected as early as Thursday.
Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nev., said he would pull the measure from the floor if Democrats lose the vote. Democrats hope that political pressure from voters and business groups might eventually revive the measure.
The latest version of the measure contains a variety of provisions sought by lawmakers in both parties, blending jobless aid averaging about $300 a week with the renewal of dozens of tax cuts sought by business groups and a host of other legislation. It is considerably smaller than a version that passed with GOP help just three months ago.
"It adds new taxes and over $30 billion to an already staggering $13 trillion dollar national debt," said Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky.
The catchall measure also includes $16 billion for state governments to avert layoffs, farm disaster aid, $1 billion for a youth summer jobs initiative and an extension of a bond program that subsidizes interest costs for state and local infrastructure projects. It would levy a new tax on investment fund managers but extend tax breaks such as lucrative credits that help businesses finance research and develop new products, and a sales tax deduction that mainly helps people in states without income taxes.
The death of the measure would mean that more than 200,000 people a week would lose their jobless benefits because they would be unable to reapply for additional tiers of benefits enacted since 2008. People seeking the popular homebuyer tax credit would be denied a paperwork extension approved by the Senate last week.
"This is a bill that would remedy serious challenges that American families face as a result of this Great Recession," said Max Baucus, D-Mont., the chief author of the bill. "This is a bill that works to build a stronger economy. This is a bill to put Americans back to work."
And doctors are livid about a 21 percent cut in their Medicare payments imposed last week; the bill would have afforded them a six-month reprieve from the cuts. Stand-alone legislation to address the problem has stalled in the House, where Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., is insisting that it be part of the broader measure.
By the end of this week, about 1.2 million people will have lost their jobless benefits since a temporary extension expired at the beginning of the month, according to Labor Department estimates.
Crestfallen Democrats tried in vain to win support from moderate Republicans like Olympia Snowe and Susan Collins of Maine, leaving them apparently two votes short of the 60 needed to defeat a filibuster. But talks collapsed Thursday, aides said, leading Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nev., to offer a pared-back measure that would add $33 billion to the deficit over the upcoming decade.
The bill has long been considered a must-pass measure, but the political sands have shifted since it first passed in March. That vote came in the wake of a political scalding for Republicans after Sen. Jim Bunning, R-Ky., blocked a short-term extension of jobless aid.
In the interim, however, the debt crisis in Europe and growing anxiety on deficits and debt among voters, has turned Republicans against the legislation, even though it's been cut considerably since passage of a March version that would have added about $100 billion to the debt.
Most of the measure — except for a six-month extension of jobless benefits for people who have been out of work for more than six months — is financed with offsetting tax increases or spending cuts, including more than $10 billion cut from last year's stimulus bill. Congress has always approved additional unemployment benefits as a deficit-financed emergency measure.
Democratic leaders said they bent over backwards to accommodate demands by Republicans for a smaller measure. Among the cuts revealed Wednesday was a more than $10 cut from last year's stimulus bill, mostly buy paring back food stamp benefits by about $11 a month per beneficiary.
"They asked to have it reduced, we did it. They asked to have it paid for, we did it," said Sen. Patty Murray, D-Wash.
A spokesman for Snowe confirmed she would vote to support the filibuster. She had unsuccessfully pressed for changes to a tax reform provision aimed at small businesses that shelter income as dividends exempt from payroll taxes.
By ANDREW TAYLOR (AP)
WASHINGTON — Republicans in the Senate appear likely to kill legislation to provide continued unemployment checks to millions of people and provide states with billions of dollars to avert layoffs.
It would be a bitter defeat for President Barack Obama and Capitol Hill Democrats, who have been trying to advance the measure for months as an insurance policy against a double-dip recession.
Despite another round of cuts to the measure aimed at pacifying GOP deficit concerns, the measure seems doomed to die by a filibuster in a vote expected as early as Thursday.
Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nev., said he would pull the measure from the floor if Democrats lose the vote. Democrats hope that political pressure from voters and business groups might eventually revive the measure.
The latest version of the measure contains a variety of provisions sought by lawmakers in both parties, blending jobless aid averaging about $300 a week with the renewal of dozens of tax cuts sought by business groups and a host of other legislation. It is considerably smaller than a version that passed with GOP help just three months ago.
"It adds new taxes and over $30 billion to an already staggering $13 trillion dollar national debt," said Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky.
The catchall measure also includes $16 billion for state governments to avert layoffs, farm disaster aid, $1 billion for a youth summer jobs initiative and an extension of a bond program that subsidizes interest costs for state and local infrastructure projects. It would levy a new tax on investment fund managers but extend tax breaks such as lucrative credits that help businesses finance research and develop new products, and a sales tax deduction that mainly helps people in states without income taxes.
The death of the measure would mean that more than 200,000 people a week would lose their jobless benefits because they would be unable to reapply for additional tiers of benefits enacted since 2008. People seeking the popular homebuyer tax credit would be denied a paperwork extension approved by the Senate last week.
"This is a bill that would remedy serious challenges that American families face as a result of this Great Recession," said Max Baucus, D-Mont., the chief author of the bill. "This is a bill that works to build a stronger economy. This is a bill to put Americans back to work."
And doctors are livid about a 21 percent cut in their Medicare payments imposed last week; the bill would have afforded them a six-month reprieve from the cuts. Stand-alone legislation to address the problem has stalled in the House, where Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., is insisting that it be part of the broader measure.
By the end of this week, about 1.2 million people will have lost their jobless benefits since a temporary extension expired at the beginning of the month, according to Labor Department estimates.
Crestfallen Democrats tried in vain to win support from moderate Republicans like Olympia Snowe and Susan Collins of Maine, leaving them apparently two votes short of the 60 needed to defeat a filibuster. But talks collapsed Thursday, aides said, leading Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nev., to offer a pared-back measure that would add $33 billion to the deficit over the upcoming decade.
The bill has long been considered a must-pass measure, but the political sands have shifted since it first passed in March. That vote came in the wake of a political scalding for Republicans after Sen. Jim Bunning, R-Ky., blocked a short-term extension of jobless aid.
In the interim, however, the debt crisis in Europe and growing anxiety on deficits and debt among voters, has turned Republicans against the legislation, even though it's been cut considerably since passage of a March version that would have added about $100 billion to the debt.
Most of the measure — except for a six-month extension of jobless benefits for people who have been out of work for more than six months — is financed with offsetting tax increases or spending cuts, including more than $10 billion cut from last year's stimulus bill. Congress has always approved additional unemployment benefits as a deficit-financed emergency measure.
Democratic leaders said they bent over backwards to accommodate demands by Republicans for a smaller measure. Among the cuts revealed Wednesday was a more than $10 cut from last year's stimulus bill, mostly buy paring back food stamp benefits by about $11 a month per beneficiary.
"They asked to have it reduced, we did it. They asked to have it paid for, we did it," said Sen. Patty Murray, D-Wash.
A spokesman for Snowe confirmed she would vote to support the filibuster. She had unsuccessfully pressed for changes to a tax reform provision aimed at small businesses that shelter income as dividends exempt from payroll taxes.
Tuesday, June 22, 2010
Anti-homelessness strategy expands programs to assist veterans, families
By Henri E. Cauvin
Tuesday, June 22, 2010; 5:29 PM
The Obama administration released a strategy Tuesday to end homelessness that would expand programs to secure housing for veterans and families with young children, and build on efforts to help chronically homeless Americans.
With the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq highlighting the needs of veterans and the economic crisis straining more families, the administration's plan widens the role envisioned for the federal government in curbing -- and ending -- homelessness. But it does not provide a significant infusion of federal money to combat the problem.
Instead the 67-page strategy, drafted by the U.S. Interagency Council on Homelessness and unveiled Tuesday, details a host of smaller projects intended to spur collaboration among federal agencies and with local and state governments.
One project combines Section 8 housing vouchers with other anti-poverty assistance to help 6,000 families in communities with high concentrations of homeless families. Another project couples vouchers with health and social services funded by Medicaid and the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration to assist 4,000 chronically homeless people move off the streets and out of shelters. Another initiative, similar to a program underway in the District, helps vulnerable veterans move swiftly into housing by linking local housing and social services with the Housing and Urban Development-Veterans Affairs Supportive Housing program.
"No one should be without a safe, stable place to call home, and today we unveil a plan that will put our nation on the path toward ending all types of homelessness," HUD Secretary Shaun Donovan, who leads the 19-agency council, said in a statement.
Nationwide, about 1.5 million people experienced homelessness last year, according to HUD. In the Washington region, more than 12,000 people were homeless last year, including more than 6,000 in the District, according to the Metropolitan Washington Council of Governments.
From adults with severe mental illness to adolescents aging out of the foster care system, homelessness has its roots in many societal problems. But the Obama administration's strategy emphasizes that only when people are back in a home can they be expected to really address underlying problems in their lives.
This Housing First philosophy has been embraced in the District and elsewhere. In D.C., it has helped place about 1,000 people in homes, said Linda Kaufman, the chief operating officer of Pathways to Housing, which works with several hundred mentally ill, chronically homeless people. "If you don't do housing, you can't address the issues of homelessness," Kaufman said.
Framed by 10 objectives, the new national strategy aims to end homelessness among veterans and the chronically homeless by 2015 and among children and families by 2020.
The Bush administration's anti-homelessness strategy focused on the chronically homeless and as a result, said Mary Cunningham, a senior researcher at the Urban Institute, tens of thousands of people are in supported housing today. To the Obama administration's credit, Cunningham said, that focus has been broadened to include veterans and families with children. "They didn't abandon the previous administration's initiative. They expanded it."
But even supporters of the strategy say a far larger financial commitment to housing assistance will be needed to accomplish the objectives.
"The administration does call for some added vouchers, which is terrific," said Elizabeth Lower-Basch, senior policy analyst at the Center for Law and Social Policy. "But even if it's fully funded by Congress, it still would only reach a small fraction of those who are potentially eligible for housing subsidies."
Maria Foscarinis, executive director of the National Law Center on Homelessness and Poverty, said the plan offers a compelling portrait of the causes of homelessness and ways to end it. But that's not enough, she said.
"Where it is short in my view," Foscarinis said, is it does not make specific commitments with resources that the administration will pursue to actually fund the plan.
Tuesday, June 22, 2010; 5:29 PM
The Obama administration released a strategy Tuesday to end homelessness that would expand programs to secure housing for veterans and families with young children, and build on efforts to help chronically homeless Americans.
With the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq highlighting the needs of veterans and the economic crisis straining more families, the administration's plan widens the role envisioned for the federal government in curbing -- and ending -- homelessness. But it does not provide a significant infusion of federal money to combat the problem.
Instead the 67-page strategy, drafted by the U.S. Interagency Council on Homelessness and unveiled Tuesday, details a host of smaller projects intended to spur collaboration among federal agencies and with local and state governments.
One project combines Section 8 housing vouchers with other anti-poverty assistance to help 6,000 families in communities with high concentrations of homeless families. Another project couples vouchers with health and social services funded by Medicaid and the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration to assist 4,000 chronically homeless people move off the streets and out of shelters. Another initiative, similar to a program underway in the District, helps vulnerable veterans move swiftly into housing by linking local housing and social services with the Housing and Urban Development-Veterans Affairs Supportive Housing program.
"No one should be without a safe, stable place to call home, and today we unveil a plan that will put our nation on the path toward ending all types of homelessness," HUD Secretary Shaun Donovan, who leads the 19-agency council, said in a statement.
Nationwide, about 1.5 million people experienced homelessness last year, according to HUD. In the Washington region, more than 12,000 people were homeless last year, including more than 6,000 in the District, according to the Metropolitan Washington Council of Governments.
From adults with severe mental illness to adolescents aging out of the foster care system, homelessness has its roots in many societal problems. But the Obama administration's strategy emphasizes that only when people are back in a home can they be expected to really address underlying problems in their lives.
This Housing First philosophy has been embraced in the District and elsewhere. In D.C., it has helped place about 1,000 people in homes, said Linda Kaufman, the chief operating officer of Pathways to Housing, which works with several hundred mentally ill, chronically homeless people. "If you don't do housing, you can't address the issues of homelessness," Kaufman said.
Framed by 10 objectives, the new national strategy aims to end homelessness among veterans and the chronically homeless by 2015 and among children and families by 2020.
The Bush administration's anti-homelessness strategy focused on the chronically homeless and as a result, said Mary Cunningham, a senior researcher at the Urban Institute, tens of thousands of people are in supported housing today. To the Obama administration's credit, Cunningham said, that focus has been broadened to include veterans and families with children. "They didn't abandon the previous administration's initiative. They expanded it."
But even supporters of the strategy say a far larger financial commitment to housing assistance will be needed to accomplish the objectives.
"The administration does call for some added vouchers, which is terrific," said Elizabeth Lower-Basch, senior policy analyst at the Center for Law and Social Policy. "But even if it's fully funded by Congress, it still would only reach a small fraction of those who are potentially eligible for housing subsidies."
Maria Foscarinis, executive director of the National Law Center on Homelessness and Poverty, said the plan offers a compelling portrait of the causes of homelessness and ways to end it. But that's not enough, she said.
"Where it is short in my view," Foscarinis said, is it does not make specific commitments with resources that the administration will pursue to actually fund the plan.
Friday, June 18, 2010
In the end, Lakers beat Celtics at their own grinding game
In the end, Lakers beat Celtics at their own grinding game
June 17, 2010By Baxter Holmes
Ugly, brutish basketball favored the boys from Boston.
It had all series against the finesse Lakers, as the Celtics' East Coast style helped turn the 2010 NBA Finals into a grind-it-out affair in which the stars were mostly unable to tally high point totals, forced instead to trudge through collapsing defenses and foul trouble.
Fittingly, the games got uglier as the series progressed, and Thursday's Game 7, an 83-79 Lakers win, became the ugliest of all.
"It was exactly the type of game we wanted," Coach Doc Rivers said.
Heading into the fourth quarter, 12 minutes from their 18th title, the Celtics led, 57-53. The game had consisted of a five-for-20 night from Kobe Bryant, and a surprise nights from Ron Artest (14 points up to then) and Rasheed Wallace (eight points), who started in place of the injured Kendrick Perkins.
But the feeling inside of Staples Center was that the Celtics and their aging Big Three couldn't last much longer. And, as the quarter proved, they didn't.
As the Lakers piled up 30 points, the Celtics got only eight combined points from Kevin Garnett and Paul Pierce, and Ray Allen scored only two until he hit two three-point jumpers inside of a minute that kept the game close.
Lakers' stars Bryant and Pau Gasol, on the other hand, poured in 19 of those 30 as the Lakers re-took the lead and built upon.
The Lakers' defense, to be sure, frustrated the Big Three late.
Ron Artest stuck to Pierce, who shot one for five in the quarter.
Allen struggled to get open looks and ran around screen after screen while the Lakers continually switched to not allow him the split second he is known to need for an open shot.
Garnett, whether inside or at the top of the free-throw stripe, pump-faked for shots several times, but looked for his teammates more than he looked for his own, shooting just three times all quarter.
Foul trouble, too, played a role. The Big Three were whistled seven times in the final quarter.
Still, the Celtics got double-digit scoring from all their starters, and the Lakers shot 32.5%. As has held true this series, though, the team (Lakers) that won the rebounding (53-40) won the game.
"I thought the lack of size, at the end of the day, was the difference in the game," Rivers said.
Thought it was close, Rivers credited two big plays late: Bryant's three made foul shots with 8:46 left that made it a one-point game, and Derek Fisher's three-point jumper that tied the score with 6:12 remaining.
"They were close – we always hoped they wouldn't go on a roll," Rivers said. "Neither team did, but they were close, and those two shots bailed them out."
This had seemed like the last run for these Celtics, considering the makeup of the team, which fought through a fourth-place finish in their conference.
"We're not going to be the same team next year," Rivers said. "Guys are not going to be there, so that was tough for me. But again, I was just proud."
baxter.holmes@latimes.com
davidradiotv2000@yahoo.com
June 17, 2010By Baxter Holmes
Ugly, brutish basketball favored the boys from Boston.
It had all series against the finesse Lakers, as the Celtics' East Coast style helped turn the 2010 NBA Finals into a grind-it-out affair in which the stars were mostly unable to tally high point totals, forced instead to trudge through collapsing defenses and foul trouble.
Fittingly, the games got uglier as the series progressed, and Thursday's Game 7, an 83-79 Lakers win, became the ugliest of all.
"It was exactly the type of game we wanted," Coach Doc Rivers said.
Heading into the fourth quarter, 12 minutes from their 18th title, the Celtics led, 57-53. The game had consisted of a five-for-20 night from Kobe Bryant, and a surprise nights from Ron Artest (14 points up to then) and Rasheed Wallace (eight points), who started in place of the injured Kendrick Perkins.
But the feeling inside of Staples Center was that the Celtics and their aging Big Three couldn't last much longer. And, as the quarter proved, they didn't.
As the Lakers piled up 30 points, the Celtics got only eight combined points from Kevin Garnett and Paul Pierce, and Ray Allen scored only two until he hit two three-point jumpers inside of a minute that kept the game close.
Lakers' stars Bryant and Pau Gasol, on the other hand, poured in 19 of those 30 as the Lakers re-took the lead and built upon.
The Lakers' defense, to be sure, frustrated the Big Three late.
Ron Artest stuck to Pierce, who shot one for five in the quarter.
Allen struggled to get open looks and ran around screen after screen while the Lakers continually switched to not allow him the split second he is known to need for an open shot.
Garnett, whether inside or at the top of the free-throw stripe, pump-faked for shots several times, but looked for his teammates more than he looked for his own, shooting just three times all quarter.
Foul trouble, too, played a role. The Big Three were whistled seven times in the final quarter.
Still, the Celtics got double-digit scoring from all their starters, and the Lakers shot 32.5%. As has held true this series, though, the team (Lakers) that won the rebounding (53-40) won the game.
"I thought the lack of size, at the end of the day, was the difference in the game," Rivers said.
Thought it was close, Rivers credited two big plays late: Bryant's three made foul shots with 8:46 left that made it a one-point game, and Derek Fisher's three-point jumper that tied the score with 6:12 remaining.
"They were close – we always hoped they wouldn't go on a roll," Rivers said. "Neither team did, but they were close, and those two shots bailed them out."
This had seemed like the last run for these Celtics, considering the makeup of the team, which fought through a fourth-place finish in their conference.
"We're not going to be the same team next year," Rivers said. "Guys are not going to be there, so that was tough for me. But again, I was just proud."
baxter.holmes@latimes.com
davidradiotv2000@yahoo.com
Thursday, June 17, 2010
San Francisco Approves Cellphone Radiation Law
Jun 16, 2010 1:05 pm
David Zeiler, PC World
Graphic: Diego AguirrePreferring to err on the side of caution, the San Francisco Board of Supervisors on Tuesday voted 10-1 to require cell phone makers to post notices in their stores with details on the level of radiation each model emits.
The ordinance requires retailers to post information on what is called the "specific absorption rate" (SAR) of its products. The SAR rates measure the amount of radio wave radiation absorbed into the user's body tissue.
San Francisco Mayor Gavin Newsom, who supports the ordinance, is expected to sign it into law. It would take effect in February, with a $300 fine for those found in violation. Other jurisdictions, including Maine and California, have considered similar legislation, but it appears San Francisco would be the first to enact it.
(To watch a video recording of the San Francisco Board of Supervisors' vote click here)
Some worry that prolonged exposure to cell phone radiation may cause brain cancer, although scientific studies have proven inconclusive. The most recent and most comprehensive study, conducted by Interphone and published May 17, found no increased risk for the two most common types of brain cancer.
The lack of certainty one way or the other poses a conundrum. If the government issues warnings just to be safe, it may scare consumers needlessly. On the other hand, if a risk does indeed exist, the government is obligated to alert the public of the potential harm.
The Federal Communication Commission, which regulates cell phone safety along with the Food and Drug Administration, states on its Web site "there is no scientific evidence to date that proves that wireless phone usage can lead to cancer or a variety of other health effects," but goes on to note that "studies are ongoing."
The FCC has set a standard that no cell phone sold in the United States can have a SAR in excess of 1.6 watts per kilogram.
Enterprising consumers can find SAR information on the FCC Web site, but they need to have the product's FCC ID code. San Francisco's new law would put that hard-to-find data directly in front of consumers in stores.
Not surprisingly, representatives of the cell phone industry oppose the law, citing both the existing FCC standard and the lack of definitive scientific evidence linking cell phone use to brain cancer.
John Walls, a spokesman for the Cellular Telecommunications and Internet Association, told the San Francisco Chronicle that the law "will potentially mislead consumers with point-of-sale requirements suggesting that some phones are safer than others, based on radio emissions."
That argument did not sway the lawmakers in city of San Francisco, who say it will serve the public.
"This is a modest and commonsense measure to provide greater transparency and information to consumer," Tony Winnicker, a spokesman for Mayor Newsom, told the Chronicle.
David Zeiler, PC World
Graphic: Diego AguirrePreferring to err on the side of caution, the San Francisco Board of Supervisors on Tuesday voted 10-1 to require cell phone makers to post notices in their stores with details on the level of radiation each model emits.
The ordinance requires retailers to post information on what is called the "specific absorption rate" (SAR) of its products. The SAR rates measure the amount of radio wave radiation absorbed into the user's body tissue.
San Francisco Mayor Gavin Newsom, who supports the ordinance, is expected to sign it into law. It would take effect in February, with a $300 fine for those found in violation. Other jurisdictions, including Maine and California, have considered similar legislation, but it appears San Francisco would be the first to enact it.
(To watch a video recording of the San Francisco Board of Supervisors' vote click here)
Some worry that prolonged exposure to cell phone radiation may cause brain cancer, although scientific studies have proven inconclusive. The most recent and most comprehensive study, conducted by Interphone and published May 17, found no increased risk for the two most common types of brain cancer.
The lack of certainty one way or the other poses a conundrum. If the government issues warnings just to be safe, it may scare consumers needlessly. On the other hand, if a risk does indeed exist, the government is obligated to alert the public of the potential harm.
The Federal Communication Commission, which regulates cell phone safety along with the Food and Drug Administration, states on its Web site "there is no scientific evidence to date that proves that wireless phone usage can lead to cancer or a variety of other health effects," but goes on to note that "studies are ongoing."
The FCC has set a standard that no cell phone sold in the United States can have a SAR in excess of 1.6 watts per kilogram.
Enterprising consumers can find SAR information on the FCC Web site, but they need to have the product's FCC ID code. San Francisco's new law would put that hard-to-find data directly in front of consumers in stores.
Not surprisingly, representatives of the cell phone industry oppose the law, citing both the existing FCC standard and the lack of definitive scientific evidence linking cell phone use to brain cancer.
John Walls, a spokesman for the Cellular Telecommunications and Internet Association, told the San Francisco Chronicle that the law "will potentially mislead consumers with point-of-sale requirements suggesting that some phones are safer than others, based on radio emissions."
That argument did not sway the lawmakers in city of San Francisco, who say it will serve the public.
"This is a modest and commonsense measure to provide greater transparency and information to consumer," Tony Winnicker, a spokesman for Mayor Newsom, told the Chronicle.
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